by John J. Villarreal
This week has seen a lot of news coverage of ‘crazy
gunmen’: the openings of the trials of James Holmes (the Colorado cinema
murderer) and Jared Loughner (a Jewish-American who shot a
Jewish-American congresswoman, and killed some others), and the rampage
of Wade Michael Page in Wisconsin.
Not that much information is known at present.
Supposedly, Page was affiliated with the Hammerskin and Volksfront
skinhead groups; certainly, he played in a few ‘white power’ skinhead
bands. The media, at present, is playing the game of
guilt-by-association. It is working overtime (in conjunction with the
Southern Poverty Law Centre and the Anti-Defamation League of the B’nai
B’rith) to convince the public that the ‘music of hate’ inspired Page to
go on his rampage; just as, after the Colorado shootings, the media
tried to draw a link between the Batman movie and comic book franchise
and Holmes’ rampage. (The media even reproduced a panel from Frank
Miller’s classic graphic novel, “The Dark Knight Returns” (1986),
showing a mad gunman, inspired by Batman, shooting dead several people
in a cinema).
I myself don’t like ‘white power’ music, and I don’t
like Christopher Nolan’s Batman film trilogy, but I can’t lay the blame
for these two massacres at the door of either; nor can I blame America’s
lax gun laws. Americans have always had lots of guns, so why weren’t
there any mad gunman massacres in 1960 or 1970? Besides which, there
have been recent ‘crazy gunman’ incidents in Finland, Norway and
Germany.
The ‘crazy gunman’ phenomenon is a Western one, not
merely an American one, and what’s more, it’s modern: the majority of
‘crazy gunman’ massacres have taken place in the last twenty years or
so. The massacres get quite a lot of media attention because whites have
been the perpetrators and because these crimes have taken place in
prosperous Western societies. Some American nationalist and racialist
commentators have jeered that the liberal media doesn’t pay attention to
the horrific violence in some American cities when the shootings are
committed by members of minority groups. E.g., one blogger reported that
dozens had died, in the space of one weekend, in separate incidents in
Chicago (the shooters and victims were Afro-American) and no major media
outlet had fussed over it. Those commentators are correct, in my view:
there is a hidden (racialist) undertone to the media coverage of these
‘crazy gunman’ rampages, which comes from the subconscious recognition,
on the part of the media, that these massacres are not TWB (Typical
White Behaviour). The likes of Holmes, Loughner, Page, Breivik, were
whites who (from the looks of things) came from ordinary white (or, in
the case of Loughner, Jewish) families. While they weren’t high
achievers, they were regular white guys. For instance, Holmes was a
science student, Page a former serviceman and a truck driver. None of
the ‘crazy gunmen’ were involved in criminal organisations (e.g.,
Mexican drug gangs) and they weren’t habitual criminals with a history
of violent gun crime. They could have been anybody: that is, any decent
and normal white person’s co-worker, fellow student, relative, whatever.
So, the question is: what drove them to snap? We know
that one shooter (Page) lost his truck-driving job for being drunk,
another (Holmes) failed to pass an exam. But that sort of thing happens
to quite a few ordinary white people, every day, and by itself it’s not
enough to inspire someone to go out on a rampage.
The irascible Jewish-British conservative columnist,
Peter Hitchens (brother of the late neoconservative, Christopher) has
the best explanation, I feel, of what brought about the ‘crazy gunman’
psychoses. This is from a post on July 28, 2012 (before the Wisconsin
shooting):
Another mass killer, another link to drugsAn intelligent person would surely wonder why rampage massacres are becoming increasingly common.America has always been full of easily obtained guns. But Finland isn’t, and nor is Norway, and nor is Germany – yet these horrible events happen there too.What’s more, even in the USA mass killings of this type have become common only in modern times.The other obvious line of enquiry is legal and illegal drugs, from steroids and antidepressants to cannabis. The culprits in these events are often found to have been taking one or more such drugs. The suspect in the Aurora shooting, pictured in court, where he looked physically ill, has been reliably reported to have been taking the prescription medicine Vicodin, which is often abused.The New York Post quoted one of his neighbours as saying he had seen him smoking cannabis, a drug whose carefully created ‘peaceful’ image is contradicted in many trials of violent or homicidal people.I might add to this the strong circumstantial evidence that Kiaran Stapleton, the terrifying young man convicted of the random murder of Indian student Anuj Bidve, is a cannabis-user. And I should mention the appalling case of David Leeman, who shot his wife Jennie dead at close range with an (illegal) gun.An Exeter jury convicted him of manslaughter rather than murder after hearing evidence that he might have lost control of himself due to antidepressants he had been taking.Yet when I call for an inquiry into this increasingly worrying correlation, I am invariably attacked angrily. Why? Because cannabis, antidepressants and steroids are now so widely taken, in some cases by quite influential people, that each drug has a powerful lobby fearful of what such an inquiry might conclude. That is all the more reason to hold that inquiry.http://hitchensblog.mailonsunday.co.uk/2012/07/join-the-smiley-cult-of-the-five-circles-sorry-but-i- have-a-democratic-right-to-be-bored-and-im-exer.html
Cannabis
does exacerbate schizophrenia, of course (Loughner was a regular user
of cannabis); steroids induce aggression (Breivik had been using
steroids and anti-depressants for years, and was mostly likely high
during his massacre). Then there are the perfectly legal drugs, such as
the anti-depressants Paxil and Zoloft, which induce suicidal symptoms in
their users (despite the fact that they are used to treat, among other
things, depression). Anti-depressant drugs like these are so powerful
that they can bring about a complete change of personality; what’s more,
they can compel one to harm oneself or others. I predict, as more and
more information about the Wisconsin shootings surfaces, we will
discover that Page was ‘on something’ before he died. That something
wasn’t just alcohol – alcohol does induce aggressive feelings, but
doesn’t make one into a coldly-calculating sharpshooter (alcohol, in
fact, would worsen one’s aim): no, it would have been something
stronger.
Unfortunately, America, in 2012, has become associated
with anti-depressants. And obesity. And Wal-Mart. And Zionism. And
houses, suburbs, cities, workplaces, shopping districts, built on top of
roads and parking lots. The Jewish-American commentator, James Howard
Kunstler, sums America up thus:
Just look around at America itself: a wasteland of futile motoring and discount shopping populated by depressed, overfed clowns bedizened with sinister tattoos, pretending to be Star Warriors. No nation ever seen in human history ever laid such a disappointing egg. Only to have it fry on the sidewalk.http://kunstler.com/blog/2012/07/the-drowning-pool.html
The ‘futile motoring’ is significant. The Irish travel
writer, Benny Lewis, writes, in a post titled 17 cultural reasons why
this European never wants to live in America:
A country designed for cars, not humansOne of my biggest issues in the states has been how terrible a place it is for pedestrians. It’s the worst place in the entire world to live in if you don’t own a car.On previous trips to the states I’ve had it rough – relying on sub-par public transport (which is at least workable in certain major cities, but almost never first world standard in my opinion), or relying on a friend the entire time. You can’t do anything without a car in most cases. With rare exceptions (like San Francisco), all shops, affordable restaurants, supermarkets, electronics etc. are miles away. You rarely have corner shops (and if you do they are way more expensive than supermarkets).I find it laughable that Austin is rated as among the most “walkable” cities in the states. Living just outside the centre, but within walking distance, meant that I had a stretch of my path with no pavement, and a little further out I had to walk on grass to get to a bus stop.What struck me as the most eerie thing of all is that I felt very much alone when walking in any American city. In many cases I’d be the only pedestrian in the entire block, even if it was in the middle of the week downtown! The country is really designed to get in your car, drive to your destination and get out there. No walk-abouts.Going for a walk to find food serendipitously (as I would in any European city) was a terrible idea every time without checking Yelp.com in advance.For this last trip, I did actually rent a car for most of my stay (I didn’t even have a driving license before this trip, which most Americans find hard to grasp), and everything was so much more convenient, but I really did feel like I was only ever using my feet to work the gas pedal, and I will not miss it at all.http://www.fluentin3months.com/no-usa-for-me/
The French Situationist intellectual, Guy Debord, helped
popularise the idea of psychogeography, which he defined (in his 1955
book Introduction to a Critique of Urban Geography) as: ‘The study of
the precise laws and specific effects of the geographical environment,
consciously organized or not, on the emotions and behavior of
individuals’. American psychogeography helps to explain why so Americans
pop so many pills – Zoloft, Paxil, Serophat, Prozac and other terrible
things. Simply put, living in cities and suburbs ‘designed for cars, not
for human beings’ is one reason why so many Americans (and Westerners)
feel so unhappy (that, and a poor diet based on meat and dairy, which (I
will argue another time) has a depressing effect).
Australians, of course, can’t turn up their noses at the
Americans and believe that their cities are superior. Melbourne and
Sydney are just as bad as any major American city. Sydney is a giant
sprawling town built on top of highways, while the Melbourne central
business district is designed for cars which can run down a pedestrian
from four directions (it does have, however, some Parisian- and
Viennese-style cosy back alleys and lanes, which do lend it a rather
unique Old World charm).
But, in addition to the effects of this (rather toxic)
psychogeography, there is the immigration problem – another reason for
feeling depressed. It’s a cause for concern when you, as a white person,
are being dispossessed, and ethnically cleansed, from your own country,
and the liberal establishment media, politicians, academics,
intellectuals are not doing a damn thing about it (in fact, they are
doing everything they can to bring it about).
So, to sum up: we whites have cities which are, in
effect, pressure-cookers for white people: in these cities, the white
people consume an unhealthy diet; they live in an environment which is
inhuman, designed for cars (and to a lesser extent, motor bikes and
bicycles); they are being pushed out, bit by bit, by the anti-white
ethnic cleansing policy of the Gillards, Camerons, Obamas, Hollandes and
Merkels; at the same time, while they may not understand, or even know,
the causes of their plight, they seek an answer – and the answer is
drugs. These drugs aren’t ones which induce a certain level of
passivity: no, they are of the type which drives one crazy. Put that
drug-addled person around guns, well, the results are inevitable.
To return to the subject of ideology. Being a comic book
fan, I follow a lot of comic book blogs, and saw that a good many of my
fellow comic book fans were horrified by the Colorado murders – and
particularly by the notion that their subculture and its icons may have,
in any way, shape or form, inspired Holmes’ rampage. I have noticed the
beginnings of a similar panicked reaction from certain nationalists
regarding the Wisconsin murders, particularly the American ones, who
have a commitment – intellectual, ideological, philosophical, emotional –
to white nationalism. (Likewise, the Zio-phile, anti-Islamic ‘cultural
conservatives’ experienced a similar panic after the Breivik massacre,
which really was a public relations disaster for the Wilders
Zio-Populist cause). Page made a really oddball, uncharacteristic
(uncharacteristic, that is, for an American white nationalist) decision
to go after Sikhs: as we all know, Afro-Americans (and Jews) loom large
in the American white nationalist demonology, so it would have made more
sense, ideologically speaking, to go after those groups. Still, many
American (white) nationalists must feel that Page has tarnished the
brand. In contrast, French, or German, or British, or Italian, or
Australian (such as myself) nationalists are, most likely, shrugging
their shoulders at the news of the Wisconsin killings: ‘An American
skinhead kills some Sikhs at a temple – it doesn’t affect me’. For most
American nationalists, however, it’s different: one has to appreciate
the enormous capital American nationalists have invested in the white
nationalist / ‘white power’ ideology. Simply put, there is no American
equivalent of a British National Party, or Greek Golden Dawn, or
Australian Nationalist Alternative, or Dutch Freedom Party, or French
Front National; and Traditionalist or Third Positionist or
National-Anarchist or New Rightist currents have not taken root. The
American nationalist ideology remains one of white nationalism, combined
with a (uniquely American) classical liberalism, constitutionalism and
small-town conservatism (what Obama decried as ‘guns and religion’).
This is the dominant force in American Far Right politics.
The prevalence of the American ideology is the reason
why the Americans, despite having an enormous Mestizo illegal
immigration problem, have never managed to put together a half-decent
nationalist political party. The Swedish Democrats, the French Front
National, Wilders’ Freedom Party – all these manage to contest elections
and win seats. The Americans, though, with their vast resources, and
potentially huge white membership base, can’t come up with a similar
party. Americans on the Far Right are encouraged, by the American
ideology – of white nationalism, small-town conservatism, individualism
and apoliticism (and I am deliberately conflating all of these here) –
to see themselves as individuals, and the upshot is that the Americans
never get around to organising themselves a) politically and b) as a
class. As a result, the likes of Page, when they become attracted to
nationalism, racialism and Far Rightism, end up drifting towards an
apolitical gang subculture. They also, at times, end up engaging in
(what the Marxist-Leninists call) ‘adventurism’, that is, precipitate
actions.
How are these actions precipitate? Ten members of
American skinhead group, American Front, were arrested in Florida in May
of this year, for plotting a ‘race war’, engaging in paramilitary
training, plotting terroristic acts, etc. American Front’s actions were a
case of ‘adventurism’. In the Marxist-Leninist ideology, armed struggle
is permissible – but only at the right time, i.e., when the situation
calls for it. Perhaps other possibilities have to be exhausted first:
e.g., gaining power through democratic elections to parliament. If and
when that doesn’t work, perhaps, at the threshold of revolution, the
communist party should take up arms and start a civil war. But the
revolutionary ‘stages’ have to be worked through first. That’s the
Marxist-Leninist view: the ‘adventurist’ view is that the stages can be
skipped over; that is, one can, and should, take up arms and engage in
revolutionary war straight away.
One has to allow events to play out. In the Syrian
revolution against Assad and Ba’ath, for example, peaceful means – e.g.,
mass demonstrations, civil disobedience – were tried first. After these
peaceful, liberal methods were exhausted – and after Assad responded
with deadly force – the Syrian opposition decided to take up arms. Now
Assad’s nasty secret police can’t kidnap or arrest anti-Assad activists,
for the simple reason that the opposition now has an army behind it,
and a large area of ‘liberated’ territory.
Page and American Front didn’t follow the Syrian
example: they went down the ‘adventurist’ path, even though they didn’t
have the masses behind them, and certainly weren’t ready to go up
against the state. The moral of the story is: if you’re a nationalist,
and are about to start a ‘race war’ and begin deporting unpopular
minorities, then you’d better have a good-sized army behind you, and
plenty of liberated territory, so you can avoid being snatched, or shot
down, by the Feds. Some defecting US army officers, and ‘liberated’
tanks, won’t go astray either.
At any rate, the influence of the American ideology upon
Western nationalism has been unfortunate. Americans speak English, and
English is the most spoken language in the world. American nationalists,
then, have an effect – on the Western nationalist scene – which is
disproportionate to their actual numbers. Fortunately, though, Europeans
have, over time, learned to discount the American ideology. While the
ideology of William Pierce, Resistance Records and David Duke does make
itself on the Spanish, Irish, Greek, etc., nationalist political scenes,
it does so only at the base level. That is, nationalist activists in
these countries aren’t persuaded, by this ideology, to give up
constructive political activity altogether and not throw their weight
behind the nationalist political parties of their respective countries
(flawed as those parties may be – e.g., Wilders’ noxious vehicle, or the
Danish Peoples’ Party).
Which brings us to the next question: to what extent was
Page a European-style National Socialist? It’s one of the great ironies
of political history that a prominent American Far Right political
tendency has appointed itself a representative of (what it calls)
‘National Socialism’. As we know, Mussolini was a former Marxist, and
Hitler was deeply influenced by Austrian social democratic ideas: both
men – and the entire fascist movement – were in thrall, ideologically,
aesthetically, philosophically, to the Russian Communist Party. But
Americans don’t take to communism, and it is for this reason that so
many American nationalists ‘don’t get’ German National Socialism. Hitler
regarded Bolshevism as a terrible thing, but also as something which,
in many respects, should be emulated: the red National Socialist flag
was patterned on the Russian communist flag, the Waffen-SS on the
Russian NKVD, the Hitlerian cult of personality on the Stalinist cult of
personality, and so on. But the Americans just regard Bolshevism as a
terrible thing, full stop, and so selectively pick out the many Hitler
quotations attacking communism (and there are many) while dispensing
with the proto-Bolshevik elements of the Nazi ideology. What happens is
that the Hitlerian ideology – which the Dutch or Italian or Spanish
nationalist, more often than not, intuitively sympathises with, or at
least ‘gets’ – is twisted and deformed: it becomes suited to American
purposes. This is terribly ironic for many reasons, not the least of
which is that it is white Americans, more than anyone else, for
destroying German National Socialism.
As a result of Page’s association with so-called
‘Neo-Nazism’, for the time being the ADL and SPLC are enjoying their
fifteen minutes of fame and are doing their best to persuade the world
that the ‘music of hate’ leads to crazy gunmen and the massacres of
Sikhs. I myself don’t think that this fifteen minutes will last long; I
don’t think, either, that the fallout from the Wisconsin shootings will
lead to any serious repercussions for the American Far Right as a whole.
This is because of the timing of the incident: the Wisconsin massacre
came too soon after the Colorado massacre and so the liberal
establishment intuitively recognises that the Wisconsin shootings are
just another instance of ‘crazy gunman-ism’. The establishment knows,
deep down, that the West is experiencing, right now, something akin to a
scenario oft-played out in a TV show, movie or comic book: that is,
some chemical substance put in the water supply which makes certain
individuals go crazy and commit random acts of violence. We see such
incidents of collective psychosis in depicted in pop culture (e.g., the
‘Block Madness’, where the residents of city apartment blocks go to war
with one another, in the Judge Dredd comic book; or the collective
psychosis of the American town of Bon Temps, Louisiana, in season two of
the HBO cable series True Blood, which leads to the townsfolk murdering
one another). Breivik, Loughner, Holmes, now Page – taken together,
these are instances of ‘Block Madness’.
It has to be said, though, that certain ideologies do
attract violent and dangerous people. Conservatism, left-liberalism,
social democracy, neoliberalism, more often than not, don’t attract
violent types; anarchism, communism and fascism, on the other hand, do.
But fascist violence is not indicative, not representative, of ‘crazy
gunman’ violence. Fascism, in practice, boils down to large groups of
men, dressed in smart uniforms, marching down the street and punching
commies in the jaw (or being punched). The skinheadist subculture, which
Page belonged to, sees a different type of violence – a violence more
appropriate to the milieu (Jamaican and white British gang culture) from
which it sprang: there is a brawl (more often than not, over a woman)
at a concert here and there. But the ‘crazy gunman’ violence of a
Breivik, or a Loughner, or a Holmes, or a (if my prediction is correct)
Page is of a entirely different sort: it stems from mental illness
following a long history of drug use, legal or illegal.
But is there a legitimate alternative in America to
the Page ideology? At the excellent Counter-Currents.Com site, the
commentator Matt Parrott wrote an article titled, ‘Do Nothing’. The
title is intended to counter Page’s injunction (on some white
nationalist website) for American nationalists to ‘Do Something’.
Parrott, obviously, doesn’t want Americans to ‘Do Something’, when
‘Doing Something’ entails senseless acts of slaughter. (Oddly enough,
one of the slogans of the German ‘Brown Army Faction’ group, which
killed around a dozen people, was: ‘Actions, not Words’. The German
National Socialist Underground, like the Baader-Meinhof gang, was a
typical ‘adventurist’ group. One of the characteristics of the
‘adventurists’ is that they are tough-nuts: they believe that only
violence and terroristic actions have value, and hold that anything else
is ‘mere talk’ and for sissies and pansies). But Americans can ‘Do
Something’ which is constructive and political.
The first step is form a group with the correct
class-base: a socialist party, for the white working-man. The second
step is to draw up a constitution and a program for the group, no matter
how small it will be, and debate the contents of these founding
documents until a general consensus is reached. After that, the
constitution and program are ‘locked in’ for the next three or four
years, when it comes to time to make amendments, additions or deletions,
in another party congress, when the national membership is (hopefully)
larger. During the time between congresses, the constitution and program
must be fiercely defended. The members must stick to the general party
line, at all costs, and stay the course, once they have agreed upon it.
This is Lenin’s democratic centralism in a nutshell, and
most of the communist parties around the world are organised on that
basis. It works, as a method, simply because it clarifies – at the start
of the enterprise, i.e., the founding of a new group – what the aims of
the group are, what it believes in, what are the accepted processes are
for dealing with things.
It also helps avoid, from the start, any ideological
misalignments in the group. What do I mean by ‘ideological
misalignments’? Suppose one is a closet National-Anarchist, and ends up
joining a skinhead or North American New Right group; or suppose that
one is a philo-Semitic anti-Islamist, who ends up joining a (fiercely
anti-Semitic) white nationalist group. In such situations, there is
bound to be a clash of ideologies. If the precise points of difference,
politically speaking, are spelled out, from the start, in a constitution
and a program, these clashes won’t occur. The new member will
understand what precisely it is he’s getting into; the founding members
of the group will be on their guard against any entryists and ‘wreckers
and subverters’ (to borrow Stalin’s phrase) who want to lead the group
away from its original intentions.
In nationalist politics, 98% of the time the main
problem is one of keeping a group together. We all know of countless
examples of a group falling apart from quarrels between its founding
members, or one prominent member storming off, in a huff, and leaving
the group out of a disagreement. Despite surface appearances, 98% of the
disagreements are ideological, not personal. One member will want a
group to go down the path of Wilders and Ziophile-ism, while the other
members want the group to stay true to a Far Right conservative
tradition (this was the cause of the split in the BNP after Nick
Griffin’s ascent to power). At least, with the democratic centralist
method, the points of difference are spelled out at the outset. What’s
more, members do have a chance, at party congresses, of changing the
ideological direction of the group: but, because democracy is ‘One Man,
One Vote’, those dissenting members can only do so if they have the
numbers.
From my own experience, I can say is that politics is a
struggle (who titled their autobiography, ‘My Struggle’?). But the
Marxist philosophical world-view – dialectical materialism – holds that
politics, revolution and transformation is struggle, and nothing much
worthwhile, in politics, is produced without struggle. Activists for
nationalism just have to accept this. Often the American nationalists
seem to think that the prize will fall into their laps, without any
effort: they just can’t understand why it is that the white American
masses, and the liberal establishment (which is still, in the main, run
by white Americans, not Jews or Afro-Americans) puts up such resistance
to nationalist ideas. Revolutionary situations aren’t ready-made: they
aren’t berries hanging from trees, waiting for anyone to pick them.
So, the American nationalists need the right attitude,
and methods of organisation, to launch a revolution against Obamaism and
Romneyism. The struggle will involve all groups from American society –
blue-collars, white collars, farmers, trade unionists, shopkeepers,
students, youth (even lumpenproles will have their place) – but, at the
beginning, will be mostly an intellectual one. At the outset, all a
small nationalist group has is its ideas. Its main task will be of
clarifying its positions – relentlessly, unceasingly, hammering in its
points, over and over. Its positions are the general party line, and it
is this line which makes it distinct from other nationalist groups.
Success isn’t guaranteed, but these methods will
guarantee more success for the American nationalist movement than
enjoyed previously. As it is, even the most third-rate American
Trotskyite or Maoist communist outfit is better organised, on average,
than the normal American nationalist one.